Ask why oil moved on a given day and the usual answers are supply, demand, and inventories. A fourth answer sits underneath all three and rarely gets named: the dollar. Crude oil is priced and traded in US dollars almost everywhere on earth. A refiner in Rotterdam, a shipping line in Singapore, and a trader in London all settle in dollars, which means the exchange rate reaches every barrel before supply and demand get a vote. When the dollar strengthens, oil gets dearer in euros, yen, and rupees even if the dollar price never moves. When it weakens, the same barrel gets cheaper abroad. That arithmetic is simple. What it does to the price is not.
The dollar-oil link is real, measurable, and frequently misread. Over decades the two have tended to move in opposite directions, and the EIA's own explainer on the subject says so plainly. But the link has flipped sign more than once, most recently in 2021 and 2022, when both rose together for over a year. The shale boom turned the United States from the world's largest oil importer into a net exporter, which changed how oil shocks flow through to the currency. And the correlation itself is mostly the shadow of bigger forces - interest rates, risk appetite, wars - that push both variables at once. This guide works through the mechanism, measures it across five episodes since 2007, and shows where it breaks down, so the dollar becomes a tool for reading oil rather than a slogan about it.
1. The short version
Oil is a dollar commodity. The price quoted on your screen is a dollar price, and every buyer who does not hold dollars has to buy the currency first. A stronger dollar raises the local-currency price of a barrel for those buyers, which trims their demand at the margin and leans against the dollar price. A weaker dollar does the reverse: it discounts the barrel abroad, supports demand, and leans in favor of a higher dollar price. That is the demand channel, and it is the one most often quoted.
Two more channels run alongside it. On the producer side, a stronger dollar shrinks the home-currency revenue of exporters who earn dollars and spend in riyals, rubles, or reais, which changes their incentives and their budgets. On the financial side, the same forces that lift the dollar - rising US interest rates, a flight to safety in a crisis - also move oil, sometimes in the same direction and sometimes in the opposite one. A crisis that sends investors into dollars usually also crushes oil demand, so the two fall together. A rate-hiking cycle that lifts the dollar can coincide with a supply disruption that lifts oil, so the two rise together. The correlation you see in any given year is the sum of whichever of these forces is loudest at the time, which is why it changes sign.
The practical upshot: watch the dollar when you read oil, but never read oil from the dollar alone. Section 9 gives the checklist that keeps the two in their proper places.
2. Why oil is priced in dollars
The dollar's role in oil is a convention, not a law of nature, and it dates from the 1970s. After the Bretton Woods system of fixed exchange rates ended, oil exporters kept invoicing in dollars: the currency was the deepest and most liquid in the world, the United States was the largest oil importer, and the futures markets that came to set the benchmark prices - NYMEX in New York for WTI, ICE in London for Brent - both quoted in dollars. Once the benchmarks were dollar prices, everything downstream followed: term contracts reference Brent or WTI plus a differential, shipping and insurance are quoted in dollars, and national oil companies keep their books in dollars even when they sell to buyers who pay in something else.
The convention has survived challenges because switching costs are high. A producer who invoiced in euros would still have to hedge the dollar benchmarks its contracts reference, and a buyer who paid in yuan would still face a dollar price for the cargo. A few deals are priced in other currencies - China has bought some crude in yuan, and some sanctioned trade settles outside the dollar system - but the volumes are small against a global market of roughly 100 million barrels a day, and none of it has moved the benchmarks. For the purposes of reading the oil market, the dollar price is the price, and the exchange rate is the tax or discount every non-dollar buyer pays on top of it.
One more piece of plumbing matters. The WTI futures contract on NYMEX and the Brent contract on ICE are both dollar contracts, 1,000 barrels each, as our futures curve guide lays out. Traders who want exposure to oil hold dollars or borrow them; funds that track oil indexes roll dollar contracts. That keeps a constant bid for dollars inside the oil market itself, and it is one reason the two markets move together in moments of stress, when everyone wants dollars and nobody wants barrels at the same time.
3. Three ways the dollar reaches the oil price
The link is usually described as one mechanism. It is three, and they pull in different directions at different times. Keeping them separate is what stops the correlation from looking like a mystery when it flips.
The demand channel: the price in your currency. This is the direct one. A barrel at $80 costs a euro-area buyer 72.73 euros when the euro buys $1.10, and 80 euros when it buys $1.00. Nothing about the oil market changed; the buyer still pays 10% more. Multiply that across every non-dollar buyer and a stronger dollar acts like a tax on world oil demand: some consumption is deferred, some switching happens at the margin, and the dollar price feels downward pressure. The EIA makes the same point in its explainer on what drives crude prices: a depreciation of the dollar decreases the effective price of oil outside the United States, which may increase demand and add upward pressure to prices. The effect is real but slow. Fuel demand is famously unresponsive to price in the short run - drivers still drive, airlines still fly - so the demand channel moves the price over months, not minutes, and it is easily drowned out by a supply shock in any given week.
The producer channel: revenue in your currency. The mirror image sits on the supply side. Saudi Arabia, Russia, Brazil, and Canada earn dollars for their crude and spend much of it in their own currencies. When the dollar strengthens, each barrel buys more at home: a Saudi barrel at $80 is worth more riyals when the dollar is strong, which eases the fiscal pressure on the producer and, at the margin, reduces the urgency to defend a price. When the dollar weakens, the same barrel buys less at home, which tightens producer budgets and raises the incentive to restrain supply. This channel runs the other way from the demand channel in one respect: it changes what producers want, not what buyers can pay. For the large Gulf producers the exchange-rate effect is muted because their currencies are pegged or managed against the dollar, so the riyal price of a barrel barely moves. For floating-currency producers such as Russia, Brazil, and Canada, the effect is live and visible in their fiscal arithmetic every quarter.
The financial channel: the forces that move both. The third channel is not a channel from the dollar to oil at all. It is the fact that the same forces move both variables, which creates correlation without causation. US interest rates are the clearest example. When the Federal Reserve raises rates, dollar assets pay more, capital flows in, and the dollar strengthens. Higher rates also cool economic activity and oil demand, and they raise the cost of carrying inventories, so oil tends to fall - the classic negative correlation. But in a crisis, the flight to safety lifts the dollar while collapsing oil demand, which also looks like a negative correlation for an entirely different reason. And when rates rise because the US economy is strong while a war disrupts supply, the dollar and oil can rise together, which is what happened in 2021 and 2022. The European Central Bank's 2024 study of the link reaches the same conclusion from the data: the co-movement between oil and the dollar is mostly the result of specific shocks that happened to push both variables, rather than a fixed structural relationship. Any reading of the correlation that ignores which shock is driving it will be wrong about half the time.
4. The two dollar indexes, and which one to use
Headlines that say "the dollar rose" usually mean the DXY, and the DXY is a narrower gauge than most readers assume. It is the ICE US Dollar Index, a geometric weighted average of the dollar against six currencies, set to 100 in March 1973. The euro carries 57.6% of the weight, more than the other five combined. The rest is the Japanese yen at 13.6%, the British pound at 11.9%, the Canadian dollar at 9.1%, the Swedish krona at 4.2%, and the Swiss franc at 3.6%. The weights have been fixed since the euro replaced five European currencies in 1999, which means the index is a snapshot of 1970s trade patterns, not of the world economy today.
The gaps matter for oil. China, Mexico, India, and South Korea are among the largest buyers of crude and the largest trading partners of the United States, and none of their currencies appears in the DXY at all. A dollar move driven by the yuan or the peso - the currencies that price a large share of actual oil demand - barely registers in the index most traders watch. The DXY is, in large part, a euro index wearing a dollar's name, and a euro-driven dollar move says more about European monetary policy than about the price a refiner in Mumbai pays for a cargo.
The Federal Reserve publishes a better gauge for oil questions: the nominal broad dollar index, carried on FRED as DTWEXBGS. It is trade-weighted across 26 US trading partners, including China, Mexico, and Canada at weights that reflect current trade, and it is set to 100 in January 2006. The two indexes usually move together, but they diverge exactly when it matters - when the dollar moves against emerging-market currencies while holding steady against the euro, or the reverse. This guide uses the Fed's broad index for its measurements below, and the DXY only where a source quotes it. The table sets out the difference.
| Feature | DXY (ICE US Dollar Index) | Fed nominal broad dollar index |
|---|---|---|
| Currencies covered | 6 | 26 trading partners |
| Largest weight | Euro, 57.6% | Euro area, about 21% (2026 weights) |
| Chinese yuan | Not included | Included, about 11% |
| Mexican peso | Not included | Included, about 15% |
| Weights | Fixed since 1999 | Updated annually with trade shares |
| Base | 100 in March 1973 | 100 in January 2006 |
| Where to find it | ICE, quoted as DXY | FRED series DTWEXBGS |
| Best use | Fast, tradable read on the dollar vs Europe and Japan | What the dollar is doing against the currencies oil buyers use |
A practical rule follows: if the question is what a European buyer pays, the DXY will do. If the question is what the world pays, use the Fed's broad index. And when the two disagree, trust the broad one - the disagreement itself is information, because it says the dollar move is concentrated in a currency that does not buy much oil.
5. Worked example: the same barrel in euros
The arithmetic is worth doing once by hand, because it strips the mystery out of the link. Take a hypothetical barrel of Brent at $80, and a hypothetical European refiner who pays in euros. The numbers below are teaching figures, chosen round so the division is visible, not market data.
| Euro per dollar | Barrel in dollars | Barrel in euros | Change vs first row |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1.10 | $80.00 | 72.73 | - |
| 1.05 | $80.00 | 76.19 | +4.8% |
| 1.00 | $80.00 | 80.00 | +10.0% |
| 0.95 | $80.00 | 84.21 | +15.8% |
The dollar price never moved. The refiner's price rose 10% when the euro slipped from $1.10 to $1.00, and nearly 16% at $0.95. That is the demand channel in its purest form: a currency move with no change in supply, demand, or inventories, and a 10% price rise for one of the world's largest buyers anyway. Run the same arithmetic for a buyer in yen or rupees and the effect is identical in shape, sized by how far their currency moved.
The producer side works the same way in reverse. Take a hypothetical Canadian producer selling WTI at $80 a barrel. At 1.35 Canadian dollars per US dollar, the barrel is worth C$108.00 at home. At 1.25, it is worth C$100.00 - a 7.4% pay cut with the oil price unchanged. A weaker US dollar is a pay cut for every producer whose costs are in another currency, and a stronger dollar is a raise. That is why producer budgets, and the fiscal break-even prices finance ministries publish, move with the exchange rate even when the oil market is quiet.
The real-world version of this table ran in 2022, and the EIA measured it. In a Today in Energy piece dated May 17, 2022, the EIA reported that since June 1, 2021, the Brent price had risen 59% in US dollars and 86% in euros. The gap between the two figures is the euro's fall, and the arithmetic runs backward: a dollar price up 59% and a euro price up 86% implies the euro lost about 14.5% against the dollar over the same stretch (1.59 divided by 1.86 is 0.85). European buyers lived through a materially worse oil shock than American buyers did, and the difference was entirely the exchange rate. The EIA's point was the one this guide keeps returning to: the price of oil and the value of the dollar generally move in opposite directions, so the two factors offset each other - except recently, when both rose together. That exception is the subject of section 7.
6. Five episodes, measured
Stories about the dollar and oil are cheap. The table below is the check: annual averages for the Fed's broad dollar index against the EIA's annual average WTI spot price, computed for this guide from the FRED monthly series and the EIA annual series this site already carries. Annual averages smooth out the weekly noise and show the direction of each episode. The percentages are simple changes between the two annual averages named in each row.
| Episode | Fed broad dollar index (annual avg) | WTI annual average | What happened |
|---|---|---|---|
| 2007 to 2008 | 93.83 to 90.87 (-3.2%) | $72.34 to $99.67 (+37.8%) | Weak dollar year, oil boom; then the crisis reversed both within months |
| 2014 to 2016 | 95.61 to 113.15 (+18.3%) | $93.17 to $43.29 (-53.5%) | The textbook case: dollar up by nearly a fifth, oil down by half |
| 2020 to 2021 | 117.70 to 113.09 (-3.9%) | $39.16 to $68.13 (+74.0%) | Dollar eased off its crisis peak as oil recovered from the pandemic collapse |
| 2021 to 2022 | 113.09 to 120.70 (+6.7%) | $68.13 to $94.90 (+39.3%) | The exception: both rose together, driven by two separate shocks |
| Jan 2025 to Oct 2026 | 128.84 to 121.48 (-5.7%, monthly values) | $75.32 to $101.53 (+34.8%, avg of weekly prints) | Softer dollar, dearer oil - the old pattern reasserting itself |
Three of the five episodes follow the textbook pattern, one breaks it, and the 2007-2008 row hides a reversal inside it that the annual averages cannot show. Each deserves its own paragraph, because the averages alone mislead in different ways.
2008: the reversal inside the year. The annual averages say the dollar fell 3.2% in 2008 while oil rose 37.8%. The months say something sharper. The broad dollar index sat near 86.45 in July 2008, its low for the year, and reached 100.77 by November, a 16.6% surge in four months as the financial crisis sent capital fleeing into dollars. Over the same stretch, WTI fell from a June monthly average of $133.88 toward a February 2009 trough of $39.09, a 70.8% collapse. The textbook pattern held - a soaring dollar and a collapsing oil price - but the cause was a single shock, the crisis, pushing both variables at once through the financial channel, not the slow demand arithmetic of section 3. Annual averages hide the timing; the monthly data shows the two moving together in the same weeks, for the same reason.
2014 to 2016: the cleanest case, and still not clean. The dollar rose 18.3% on an annual average basis from 2014 to 2016, and 22.8% from its June 2014 monthly value of 93.83 to January 2016 at 115.23. WTI fell 53.5% over the same annual comparison, from $93.17 to $43.29, and 71.3% from its June 2014 monthly average of $105.79 to February 2016 at $30.32. This is the episode most often cited as proof that a strong dollar crushes oil, and the numbers do line up. But the driver was not the exchange rate. US shale output had flooded the market, OPEC declined to cut in November 2014, and the resulting glut is what halved the price. The dollar's rise - driven by the end of US quantitative easing and the expectation of rate rises - added pressure at the margin and made the fall worse for non-dollar buyers, but it did not cause a 50% collapse. Treating this episode as a dollar story alone overstates the exchange rate's power by a wide margin.
2020 to 2021: the recovery. The pandemic year averaged the strongest dollar in the table, 117.70, as the March 2020 flight to safety pushed the monthly index to 123.28 in April. WTI averaged just $39.16 for the year, including the April monthly average of $16.55 that followed the negative settlement our futures curve guide covers. In 2021 the dollar eased 3.9% to 113.09 while WTI rose 74% to $68.13. The pattern held, and again the cause was shared: the crisis that had lifted the dollar and crushed demand unwound, so the dollar fell and oil rose for the same reason. The correlation is visible, the causation runs through the shock, and the exchange rate itself did little of the work.
2021 to 2022: the exception. The broad dollar index rose 6.7% on an annual average basis, and 14.3% from June 2021 at 111.58 to October 2022 at 127.48, its peak for the period. WTI rose 39.3% over the same annual comparison, from $68.13 to $94.90. By September 26, 2022, Brent had slid below $85 intraday - $84.51 at the low, $85.53 by late morning in London - while the Bloomberg Dollar Spot Index sat at an all-time high, up 15% on the year, and crude was on its fourth straight weekly drop. Bloomberg's report that day called the dollar's rise "a wrecking ball for commodities." The wrecking ball was real for the buyers in section 5: they paid the higher dollar price and the stronger dollar at once. But the dollar price itself rose through most of the episode, because the supply shock from Russia's invasion of Ukraine overpowered the demand drag from the currency. The two forces pushed in opposite directions, and supply won.
2025 to 2026: the pattern returns. The most recent stretch in the data runs the old way. The broad dollar index fell from 128.84 in January 2025 to 121.48 in October 2026, a 5.7% decline, while WTI rose from an average of $75.32 across the weekly prints of January 2025 to $101.53 across those of October 2026, up 34.8%. The monthly oil figures come from the EIA weekly spot series this site tracks, and the dollar figures from the Fed's monthly index. No single shock dominates this stretch, which is itself the point: when no crisis or war is driving both variables, the slow arithmetic of section 3 reasserts itself, and a softer dollar goes with dearer oil.
7. When the link breaks
The 2021-2022 exception is not a one-off. The ECB's 2024 study documents the pattern across decades: historically there has been no clear link between oil prices and the dollar at all, the correlation tended negative after the global financial crisis, and the positive co-movement of recent years is best explained by a run of shocks that happened to push both variables the same way. Its decomposition of June 2021 to June 2022 is the cleanest demonstration: the dollar's strength over that year was mostly the Federal Reserve's tightening cycle and a stronger-than-expected US economy, while the oil rise was mostly disrupted supply tied to geopolitical risk. Two different causes, one coincident direction, no causal link between the two prices themselves.
The shale boom added a second reason the old pattern may keep weakening. US crude production more than doubled over fifteen years, Congress lifted the crude export ban in 2015, and the United States became a net exporter of oil in late 2019, on a petroleum basis that includes products. For an importer, dearer oil worsens the trade balance and weakens the currency - the classic mechanism behind the negative correlation. For an exporter, dearer oil improves the trade balance and supports the currency, which pushes the correlation the other way. The ECB tested whether this shift had turned the link systematically positive and found it had not: the change was real but not forceful enough, in part because US net oil exports remain small as a share of total exports next to commodity-currency countries such as Norway or Australia, whose currencies clearly strengthen after oil shocks. The direction of travel is toward a weaker or even positive link over time, but the data does not yet show a new rule.
A third break comes from the demand side. The textbook demand channel assumes buyers respond to the local-currency price. In practice, oil demand is slow to respond: a European driver facing a 10% dearer barrel still drives to work, and a government facing an energy shortage buys the cargo anyway. The EIA's own explainer frames the demand effect as a possibility - a weaker dollar "may" increase demand - not a mechanical law. Where demand does respond quickly, it is usually through government policy (subsidies, strategic releases, price caps) rather than through consumers choosing to burn less fuel, and those policies vary by country and year. The link is therefore strongest where buyers are price-sensitive and unsubsidized, and weakest exactly where the headlines are loudest.
8. Four common misreads
Misread 1: "A strong dollar means oil will fall." It means non-dollar buyers pay more, which leans against demand and the dollar price. It does not mean the price will fall, because supply, inventories, and risk can push the other way harder, as 2022 showed for over a year. Treat the dollar as a headwind or tailwind, never as a forecast.
Misread 2: "The DXY is the dollar." The DXY is six currencies with weights frozen in 1999, and more than half of it is the euro. A DXY move driven by the euro says little about what a buyer in China or India pays. Check the Fed's broad index, and check the specific currency of the buyer you care about, before concluding anything about world demand.
Misread 3: "The correlation proves the dollar causes oil moves." Most of the time, the correlation is the shadow of a third force. Interest rates, risk appetite, and wars move both variables, and the ECB's models attribute the recent positive co-movement to exactly that: a constellation of shocks, not a structural link. Correlation without a named shock behind it is a description, not an explanation.
Misread 4: "Oil priced in dollars means the US controls the oil price." The dollar is the unit of account, not the hand on the scale. Prices are set by physical supply and demand, inventories, and the futures market, all of which operate in dollars because the convention is convenient. The currency changes what each buyer pays and what each producer keeps; it does not decide what a barrel is worth.
9. Reading the dollar alongside oil: a checklist
When a dollar move makes headlines next to an oil move, work through these steps before forming a view. Each one separates the exchange-rate effect from the forces that usually matter more.
- Name the index. Is the move in the DXY, the Fed's broad index, or one currency pair? A DXY move is mostly a euro move; a broad-index move is a world move. If they disagree, the story is regional, and the oil implication is smaller than the headline suggests.
- Price the barrel in the buyer's currency. Convert the dollar price at the current rate for the buyer you care about, as section 5 does, and compare it with a month ago. The local-currency change is the demand signal; the dollar change alone is not.
- Ask what moved the dollar. Rate expectations, a flight to safety, and a strong US economy all lift the dollar, and each carries a different oil implication. A rate-driven dollar rise cools demand; a safety-driven rise usually comes with a demand collapse; a growth-driven rise can come with strong oil demand. The driver matters more than the direction.
- Check inventories and the curve. If the dollar is up and the futures curve is in backwardation with stocks drawing, prompt scarcity is doing the work and the currency is a sideshow. Our guide to reading the EIA weekly report and the futures curve guide give the readings to check first.
- Look at the producer side. A weaker dollar squeezes floating-currency producers such as Russia, Brazil, and Canada, and raises the pressure on them to defend prices. A stronger dollar eases that pressure. The effect is slow, but it shapes OPEC+ decisions over quarters, and our OPEC+ explainer covers how those decisions are made.
- Compare benchmarks before generalizing. Brent is the waterborne benchmark most non-US buyers actually pay, and its spread to WTI - covered in our WTI vs Brent spread explainer - moves with freight and regional supply. A dollar story that fits Brent may not fit WTI, and the gap between them is often the more useful signal.
- Wait for the second data point. A one-week dollar-oil move is usually a shock repricing, not a regime. The annual averages in section 6 are the right scale for judging the link; a single week of co-movement proves nothing about the relationship.
10. Frequently asked questions
Does a stronger dollar always push oil prices down?
No. A stronger dollar makes oil dearer for buyers using other currencies, which leans against demand and the dollar price, but the link is a tendency, not a rule. In 2021 to 2022 the dollar index rose about 7% on an annual average basis while WTI rose about 39%, because Federal Reserve tightening lifted the dollar at the same time Russia's invasion of Ukraine disrupted supply. The exchange rate is one force among several, and supply shocks regularly overpower it.
What is the DXY, and what does it leave out?
The DXY is the ICE US Dollar Index: a geometric weighted average of the dollar against six currencies, with the euro at 57.6%, the yen at 13.6%, the pound at 11.9%, the Canadian dollar at 9.1%, the Swedish krona at 4.2% and the Swiss franc at 3.6%, set to 100 in March 1973. It leaves out the currencies of the largest US trading partners today, including the Chinese yuan and the Mexican peso. The Federal Reserve's nominal broad dollar index covers 26 trading partners and is the better gauge when the question is what the dollar is doing against the currencies oil buyers actually use.
How much does the exchange rate change what a buyer pays for oil?
As much as the rate moves. A European buyer paying for Brent at $80 a barrel spends 72.73 euros when the euro buys $1.10 and 80 euros when it buys $1.00, a 10% rise in the local price with the dollar price unchanged. The EIA measured the real version of this in May 2022: since June 1, 2021, Brent had risen 59% in dollars and 86% in euros, because the euro had lost about 14.5% against the dollar over the same stretch.
Why did oil and the dollar rise together in 2022?
Two separate shocks hit at once. The Federal Reserve's tightening cycle and a stronger-than-expected US economy lifted the dollar, while Russia's invasion of Ukraine disrupted supply and lifted oil. The European Central Bank's decomposition of June 2021 to June 2022 attributes the dollar's strength mostly to monetary policy and the oil rise mostly to geopolitical supply risk. The two prices moved together because two different forces pushed them the same way, not because one caused the other.
Has the US becoming an oil exporter changed the link?
It has weakened the old pattern without replacing it. The ECB's work on the question finds that the United States becoming a net exporter of petroleum (products included) in late 2019, after Congress lifted the crude export ban in 2015, changed how oil shocks reach the US terms of trade, but not forcefully enough to turn the oil-dollar correlation systematically positive. The positive co-movement seen in recent years still looks like a run of shocks that happened to push both variables the same way.
Can I use the dollar to predict where oil goes next?
Not on its own. The dollar tells you what non-dollar buyers are paying and which way the demand pressure leans, and it belongs in any oil reading. But the correlation flips sign across episodes, the two indexes disagree about which currencies matter, and a single supply disruption can swamp the exchange-rate effect for months. Use the dollar as one input beside inventories, spare capacity, refinery runs and the futures curve, never as a forecast by itself.
Where can I see the dollar and oil data behind this guide?
The dollar indexes are public: FRED carries the Federal Reserve's nominal broad dollar index as DTWEXBGS, and ICE publishes the DXY. The oil prices are EIA series: the Cushing WTI spot price (RWTC) and the Europe Brent spot price (RBRTE), whose annual averages this guide uses. On this site, the WTI price page tracks the front-month benchmarks, the WTI price page and Brent price page carry the current values, and the oil price history guide sets the annual averages out in constant dollars.
11. Related reading
- Oil Price History Adjusted for Inflation, 1978 to 2026 - the annual WTI and Brent averages used in section 6, in constant dollars, with the monthly peaks and troughs behind each collapse.
- Contango vs Backwardation Explained - the futures curve behind the April 2020 episode and the storage arithmetic that prices time.
- WTI vs Brent Spread Explained - the other spread every oil reader needs: two benchmarks, one month, and the freight arithmetic between them.
- How to Read the EIA Weekly Petroleum Status Report - the Wednesday data release that confirms or contradicts what the front of the WTI curve is pricing.
- US Crude Oil Exports, Explained - how the United States became an exporter, and why that changed the dollar's relationship with oil.
- OPEC+ Explained - quotas, compliance and spare capacity in the producer group whose decisions the dollar helps shape.
- How to Read the EIA Short-Term Energy Outlook - the monthly STEO table by table, and how to compare one forecast with the last.
- WTI Crude Oil Price Today - front-month benchmark quotes, the starting point for any dollar-and-oil reading.